On Oct. 21, 1970, hundreds of women marched through the streets
of Tokyo, an occasion that is often referred to as the birth of the women’s
liberation movement in Japan.
The
movement, called ūman libu (women’s lib) in Japanese,
was eventually adopted by women who embraced the concept of feminism, striving
to define, establish and achieve political, economic, cultural, personal and
social rights for women.
It’s based on
the principle of the “personal” being “political,” and manifests itself in such
diverse issues as marriage and abortion to the U.S. military presence in
Okinawa and the “comfort women” who were forced into sexual servitude in
wartime military brothels.
Instead of being
applauded for their achievements, however, the media continued to label
feminists as “unattractive, hysterical” women — a negative image that persists
to this day.
The Japan Times
talks to four key women in an attempt to discover what the future holds for
women in Japan.
Mitsu Tanaka was one of the leading members of the country’s
women’s liberation movement in the early 1970s.
In just one
night, she wrote a manifesto titled “Benjo Kara no Kaiho” (“Liberation from the
Toilet”), which called for women to stand up and free themselves from male
sexual oppression. Published in 1970, it became arguably the most famous
manifesto of the domestic women’s liberation movement.
Why
toilet? Tanaka says she chose the word because it was a derogatory expression that
described women as little more than repositories of men’s bodily fluids. It
originally stemmed from the word “kyōdō benjo” (“public
bathrooms”) that was used with disdain toward promiscuous women and those
engaged in prostitution.
As far as men
are concerned, the manifesto says, women were condemned to be “mothers” or
“whores.”
“I realized that
men only saw women as a convenience — either as mothers or ‘toilets,'” Tanaka
says. “While it might have been difficult (to stand up to men) as individuals,
it ultimately became possible when women stood together, side by side.”
Tanaka was
sexually abused as a child by a man who worked for her parents’ restaurant.
Just 5 or 6 years old at the time, she had no real idea of what that man was
doing and it was only later that she realized what he had done was despicable.
“I blamed
myself, but you can’t live your life in self-denial,” Tanaka says. “I realized
I needed to accept myself for who I was. The problems I suffered directly
connected me (to the women’s liberation movement).”
Tanaka looks
back on the 1960s and ’70s and remembers how repressed women were back then —
the way they talked, the way they dressed, everything centered around what men
viewed as “feminine.”
“We couldn’t be
who we really were because we were women,” Tanaka says. “We were living the
lives of women who didn’t actually exist and that anger spread through the
female community.”
The
demonstration on Oct. 21, 1970, was the start of a series of activities
organized by the country’s fledgling feminists, including a “lib camp” in
Nagano Prefecture in August the following year, where about 300 women gathered
from all over Japan to discuss various issues related to being a woman.
In 1972, the
women opened Lib Shinjuku Center, which not only served as an administrative
center for their activities but also became a refuge of sorts for women with
problems that ranged from obtaining contraception and abortion to divorce.
A unique aspect
of the domestic women’s liberation movement was that the founding members did
not create a pyramid organization. While Tanaka is believed to be one of the
movement’s leading members, she stresses that each woman was there as an
individual and all she did was invite people to participate. She likens it to
current protest groups such as Students Emergency Action for Liberal Democracy,
which has individual students participating without a specific leader.
“The liberation
movement was based on the desires of individuals,” Tanaka says. “It was about
how we wanted to live our own lives, think about what we wanted and decide what
we wanted to do on our own. We were already doing this (in the late 1960s and
’70s) but people couldn’t understand what we were about back then.”
Much of Europe
and the United States were experiencing gender equality movements in the late
1960s and ’70s, demanding such things as equal employment opportunities and
abortion rights. Women protested against the Miss America beauty pageant and
burned bras as a sign of independence from men.
Some believe
that Japan’s liberation movement was imported from the United States, but
Tanaka denies this was the case.
The women’s
liberation movement in Japan was not about winning equal rights with men, she
says. Instead, it addressed the fundamental repressed role that women were
forced to play, and called for liberation from their sex.
Tanaka notes
that measures such as burning bras or refusing to wear makeup did not interest
her because the domestic women’s liberation movement focused on how to be
yourself.
“It’s never
black or white,” Tanaka says. “Sometimes you might want to wear makeup, other
days you might not. We were ordinary women just trying to live our lives
truthfully.”
In 1975, she
visited Mexico to attend the U.N. World Conference on Women and ended up living
there for more than four years. During her time in the Central American nation,
she gave birth to a son as a single mother. After returning to Japan, she
studied acupuncture and has since worked as an acupuncturist.
Tanaka has more
recently been involved in opposing the plan to relocate Futenma air base in
Okinawa to the Henoko district.
Tanaka felt
compelled to get involved after seeing a photograph of a young girl who had
been killed by a U.S. military truck in 1965.
She now leads
tours to Okinawa to show people from the mainland what the situation is like in
the southern archipelago. She has led three tours so far, with another planned
for November.
“I can’t believe
I didn’t know what was happening in Okinawa for 70 years,” Tanaka says. “I am
embarrassed, and that is why I decided to do something about it. It is not
about seeing how many people I can gather. … Whether it is 10 people, 100
people or by myself, I will never stop going there.”
Sociologist Chizuko Ueno grew up watching her mother languish in
an unhappy marriage. Ueno’s mother would often complain that she couldn’t file
for a divorce because of her children — even if she wanted to.
Ueno sympathized
with her mother at first, but eventually understood that she would continue to
be unhappy even if she remarried. Ueno’s mother was miserable because of the
institution of marriage.
Therefore, Ueno
did what her mother couldn’t — never get married.
“There is
nothing wrong with loving someone — that itself makes your life rich,” Ueno says.
“However, marriage based on monogamy is the root of all evil. A sexual
relationship becomes one based on ownership. Marriage is especially repressive
for women.”
The first wave
of feminism in Japan began in the early 20th century, with writers such as
Akiko Yosano and Raicho Hiratsuka, who founded the women’s magazine “Seito”
(literally, “Bluestocking”), leading calls for a spiritual revolution. The
second wave of feminism took place around the period of the women’s liberation
movement in the 1970s.
The 1975 U.N.
World Conference on Women was a major turning point for feminism throughout the
world, including Japan. It led to the adoption of the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women in 1979 that requires
all member states to ensure equal rights for women and take measures in all
fields, including enacting legislation for the advancement of women.
Japan ratified
the convention in 1985 and a couple of legal frameworks were codified around
the same time. In 1984, the Nationality Law was revised to allow Japanese
nationality to be obtained through an individual’s mother, while an equal
employment opportunity law was enacted the following year. These developments
ultimately led to the adoption of the gender equality law in 1999.
Ueno remembers
those days when sexual harassment was frequently used as a tool to reduce
tension in the workplace and groping on trains went unchecked.
“It is hard to
say that feminism changed society but it did change some things,” Ueno says.
Ueno is one of
the pioneers of women’s studies in Japan and retired from her 18-year career at
the University of Tokyo in 2011. She fought for her sex in the field of
academia and is often referred to as “bilingual” in both female and male
languages, acting as an “interpreter” between the two sexes.
“You have to
speak the language to get your message across … so I learned to speak like a
male,” Ueno says. “I am known as a woman of logic and I try to break it down
and explain things to men in a way that they could understand.”
Toward the end
of the 20th century, perspectives appeared to be — slowly but surely —
changing. As Japan entered the 21st century, however, feminism experienced a
powerful backlash.
“In the
beginning, I thought the backlash was evidence of the growing feminist activity
and was even secretly a bit proud,” Ueno says. “However, it turned out to be a
lot fiercer than we expected and it actually did quite a lot of damage.”
Local
municipalities canceled lectures by feminists because of their “biased”
viewpoints and the central government cut budgets for public women’s centers
nationwide.
In 2005, Shinzo
Abe of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party headed a group of lawmakers to
“investigate radical sex education and gender-free education.”
Today, the prime
minister has vowed to create a society in which “women can shine,” recently
enacting a law to increase the percentage of corporate female executives to 30
percent by 2020.
At the same
time, he and the ruling LDP-Komeito bloc steamrolled a bill through the Diet
that enables employers to use temp workers — of which about 70 percent are
women — for as long as they wish.
“Neoliberalist
politicians (such as Abe) are so understanding of gender equality because of
one thing — they want females in the workforce because women are the last
resources,” Ueno says. “They no longer say women should stay inside their homes
because they want women to have babies and work.”
Ueno is
currently the head of Women’s Action Network, a nonprofit organization established
in 2009 to provide various information related to feminism and to connect
individuals and groups, both private and public, to improve the situation for
women. The group has also begun digitalizing and archiving women’s magazines to
be stored as important historical documents for future feminists.
“One day, I hope
to hand over the baton of feminism to the next generation,” Ueno says.
Growing up in the 1970s and ’80s, Minori Kitahara saw feminists
as the object of ridicule and scorn. Perhaps that is why so many people ask her
why she became one.
To Kitahara,
however, becoming a feminist felt like a natural thing to do.
“I initially
became interested in feminism because I was frustrated about the difficulty of
living in this world as a woman,” Kitahara says. “I think that frustration is
what gets many feminists started. I watched women such as Chizuko Ueno show
their anger in public and grew up realizing that it is OK to speak up.”
Society and the
media have played a role in painting feminists in an unflattering light,
depicting them as unattractive, hysterical women or women who possess radical
thoughts.
Having studied
feminist claims and studied books written by a wide variety of women since she
was in elementary school, Kitahara attempted to become a “likeable feminist.”
It was an idea,
however, she quickly abandoned.
“It is
impossible to be a feminist who is liked,” Kitahara says. “No matter how nicely
you phrase your words, you are still, in effect, speaking out against men.
People say that feminists are responsible for their negative image in the
press, but I don’t think this is the case. I think the negative image (people
generally have toward feminists) reflects the prejudice society harbors toward
such women.”
Kitahara has
definitely pushed the boundaries further by becoming the first female owner of
an adult-goods shop for women in Japan called Love Piece Club. At her showroom
in Tokyo’s Bunkyo Ward are rows of colorful dildos and vibrators, lubricants in
cute packaging, and books and DVDs on sex. The products are available online.
Kitahara says
that discussing women’s sexual desires in a positive note is often difficult in
the world of feminism, since some of the key issues women take up are related
to sexual harassment and violence.
“It’s difficult
to talk about victimization in sex crimes and women’s sexual desires in the
same breath,” Kitahara says. “I wanted to create a safe place for women’s
desires.”
Like Ueno,
Kitahara recognizes that the pace of change has been slow.
Kitahara points
to endless examples, especially in the world of politics.
In recent
research, Kitahara found that the first female politician to give birth was
Tenkoko Sonoda in 1950. Shockingly, she says, the next woman to have a child as
a politician was Seiko Hashimoto in 2000 — half a century later.
When Hashimoto
became pregnant, she was criticized for taking time off to give birth. As a
result of her situation, however, both chambers of the Diet revised their rules
to allow women to be absent from public proceedings to have a baby.
Still, very few
women have had children during their time in office. Since Hashimoto, only nine
women have given birth while in office, including Seiko Noda at the age of 50.
“Women have been
pressured into giving up their careers if they can’t work like a man,” Kitahara
says. “Corporations, the LDP and the world of politics have excluded women and
turned this world into a wretched state. That said, I think people are finally
beginning to recognize the merits of having diversity in the workplace.”
Even on a more
basic level, sexist comments made by fellow lawmakers appear to continue
unabated.
Ayaka Shiomura,
a female Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly lawmaker, last June faced sexist jeers
such as “Why don’t you get married soon?” as she discussed women’s policies.
LDP member
Akihiro Suzuki later admitted making the remark on marriage but Shiomura says
that others were involved. No further investigation was conducted by the local
government to identify any other hecklers.
And in August,
Kagoshima Gov. Yuichiro Ito also made a sexist gaffe, asking prefectural
government education board members if there was any point teaching women the
sine, cosine and tangent trigonometric functions in high school.
While deploring
a clear reluctance on the part of men to change, Kitahara says women are now
beginning to stand up for themselves.
Women, whether
they call themselves feminists or not, are no longer letting men off the hook
with sexist remarks, sexual harassment, derogatory statements and groping on
trains.
“You don’t need
a license to be a feminist, but I think the number of individuals interested in
feminism is on the rise,” Kitahara says. “It is up to each individual to choose
whether to call themselves feminist or not, but the fact is that these women
are feeling the pain of other women. Men have now been handed their homework —
it is up to them to do it.”